Monday, 3 December 2018

Religious Freedoms Challenged – Australia at Crossroad



Religious School Freedoms - A Glance
There is a titanic cultural shift seeking to dislodge certain religious freedoms and values that permeate Australian society. This article highlights freedoms connected to Christian school practices. This contested shift is playing out in diverse ways – in federal and State Parliaments, political parties, school institutions, churches, to name some.

The implications go beyond these Christian institutions. This cultural turn is awakening examination among some about what freedoms are threatened. Some questions go to the crux:
  • Do Christian parents have a spiritual obligation and a right to raise their children in line with their Christian teachings? 
  • Do Christian schools have a right to run schools in line with their spiritual values and practices?
  • Does any Australian Government have a superior authority to put in place laws or school-socialisation programs to foster in children beliefs about fluidity in sexual and gender identities against wishes of some parents?
  • Is it right and just for a Government to put in place legislation forcing Christian school institutions to employ any qualified teacher, even if the teacher does not adhere to Christian ethos or school pastoral care practices?
  • Does the Australian Government hold a superior right to sanctions schools such as withdrawal of funding subsidies where such schools are refusing to nurture diverse sexual orientation in their school pastoral care practices?

These are just some of the concerns at the centre of religious freedom battles in Australia. These cultural and spiritual battles have been simmering for a while. Now the issues are coming to the surface in a somewhat disjointed, pre-emptive and reactive fashion - whether by design or not. It is historical and ground-shaking stuff.


Policy Debates Frames We are Used to
We are used to policy debates about positive/ collective rights (e.g. universal education, healthcare and welfare). We are accustomed to debates about individual rights (e.g. property rights, freedom to conduct business, travel, freedom from coercive laws impinging on individual rights, etc.) Individual rights now also include Same-Sex Marriages (SSM) granted by law a year ago.

Choice at Core of Christianity
Christians are familiar with notions of choice. The Holy book they follow from beginning to end asks them to choose. So it is not a surprise some Christians went along with the idea of Australia holding the SSM plebiscite (vote). As they saw it this choice does not seek to force any individual human being to adopt Christian beliefs. So in a way, SSM may turn out to be even less contentious compared to any idea that Christian schools should be forced to adopt non-Christian ethos.

Why is it more contentious? This is my take. Christianity at its basic level requires every parent to bring up their child in line with Christian teaching. They affirm this during child baptism/ dedication – and the whole congregation is asked to affirm it. It’s not just a cultural tradition - it is an expression of faith. Their biblical texts, from the Old to the New Testament requires of them do so.

Now that SSM is legalised, the impact on other areas of policy means Australia is confronted with having to mediate conflicting choices. Conflicting because what one group sees as their relationship to the Divine, another group sees it simply as a right to be recruited and teach in a school of their choice without regard to the Christian ethos.
These two conceptions are in conflict.

School Issues Not Debated Before Plebiscite
Before the SSM became law some religious freedom advocates expressed concern that legalisation would lead to erosion of religious freedoms. There were strong views by many commentators that debating issues in-depth is psychologically harmful to those of different sexual orientation. Some commentators went as far as making known their views that erosion of religious rights was a positive thing.

At the time many media commentators and politicians maintained that legalisation of religious freedoms will not conflict with SSM rights. They completely dismissed concerns about extent of flow on effects as fear-mongering. Presumably, some in the public believed this line, and others didn’t.

Even a few Christian clergy appearing on media seemed unconcerned about religious rights. Surprisingly some just framed this discussion in terms of clergy’s rights to freely officiate in churches without intrusion. The question of believers (not simply clergy) did not get much attention. It was knowingly or unknowingly assumed by some that believers are not impacted (ale their spiritual practices).

The then PM Turnbull commissioned a review of Religious Freedoms chaired by Philip Ruddock. Perhaps to placate religious groups who had expressed concern that legalisation of SSM was likely to have flow-on effects leading to erosion of religious freedoms. The Ruddock Religious Freedom Review was the expression of this ‘compromise’. https://www.pmc.gov.au/domestic-policy/religious-freedom-review.

Although The Religious Freedom Report was submitted to the Turnbull Government in May 2018, it never saw the light of day. The New PM Morrison is yet to release it either.

Some activist forces pre-emptively leaked selective bits of this Ruddock Report and effectively set a policy agenda. Going by what I saw in the media, many asserted in the media that religious rights must be overridden to accommodate choices and needs of students and teachers that are of same-sex orientation. Initially this seems to have caught the religious freedom advocates on the back foot, but not for too long.

The whole thing has sent shockwaves through some religious adherent circles. Shock waves because of realisation that SSM appear to go beyond what some previously understood it to be. A range of laws are in the process of being reviewed and updated Australian State and Federal Parliaments to accommodates rights that are believed to flow-on from SSM law.

Australian Religious Diversity – ABS Data
It is useful to just keep in mind where Australia is at in terms of people’s self-reported beliefs. According to the ABS (2018) the last 2016 Census found:
  • 61% (14 million) Australians belong to a religion or spiritual belief
  • 86% of all the people identified as religious are Christians
  • 14% (two million) indicated a religion other than Christianity
  • Islam - 600,000 people
  • Buddhism - 560,000
  • Hinduism - 440,000
  • Sikhism - 130,000
  • Judaism - 90,000
  • 30% (7 million)  -  No Religion/ secular - Atheism, Humanism or Agnosticism

 Source: ABS 2018: Australia’s religious diversity on World Religion Day

Fragmentation & At Cross-purposes
Australia seems to be at a crossroad. Take the idea of Christians who encouraged holding a SSM plebiscite - to them the exercise was about freedom of conscience. Freedom to make choices – for oneself and the family they are rearing. This freedom also lets others choose for themselves how they live their lives.

On the other hand, those opposed to religious freedoms are concerned about advancing their own rights in terms of how they live their lives, express and choose relationships. Going by media reports, it seems some are also keen to teach in Christian schools and in their view they don’t see why recruitment practices should exclude them based on their sexual orientation and lack of support of the Christian ethos.

Here it gets puzzling in terms of maintaining community cohesion and harmony. First, Christian schools are not just about secular education - they are also about doing pastoral care. If they are doing their job well, these pastoral care practices would be influenced by Christian values or those sympathetic to such ethos. Let’s say someone is not sympathetic to Islamic, Buddhism or Scientology, is it wise that they work in organisations run by either of such faith? What exactly is the intention? What will be the result?

Same with Christian schools. Such a change if it was to occur will also mean the Australia political leaders in their wisdom are prepared to dismiss spirituality and treat it as something that can simply be reconstructed through a political process.

Australia is a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human rights - Article 18 specifically affirms religious rights. If any current or future Australia Government decides to ignore Article 18 it seems to me this would be a fundamental shift in how competing secular and religious values have been mediated – in terms of freedoms, it will be a decisive generational shift that erodes autonomous religious choices.

As already noted, while some Christians are concerned about erosion of their freedoms, some appear less so. Some denominations appear to have a shared formal position; others hold more than one position. Some religious organisations may also hold varied positions. So while we are told 61% of Australians identified themselves in Census data as Christian, a substantial 61.6% of those who participated in the SSM plebiscite voted ‘yes’ and 38.4% ‘no’. Notwithstanding that some people did not participate in the plebiscite, as a nation this issue indicates diversity even within the church.

But it cannot be assumed that all the Christians who voted ‘yes’ in SSM would necessarily approve that all school institutions should abandon their Christian ethos where such ethos found itself in conflict with the rights of teachers or students who identified themselves as gay or intersex.

The bottom line seems to be – are there circumstances where the Federal and State Governments will be seeking to force Christian schools to deliver sexual and gender identity content that is opposed to Christian ethos?

On the subject of schisms, currently the Liberal Party is bearing the brunt of it. The divisions emerging out of the SSM flow-on policies are just one. It doesn’t help that some conservative leaders seem oblivious of their role as guardians or custodians of this earth, opting to disregard climate change and energy policies, not even policies framed using market mechanisms. They have also faced a backlash whenever a few in their midst deploy the ‘race’ card to win elections.

Internal party battles are matters on public record. PM Turnbull is gone although active on public sphere. His long seat long held by Libs is gone. We have seen resignations from the party and public battles over what makes the ‘heart of the party’ and who defines it. Add to this, some in the Liberal ranks and their voters want to see gay and intersex rights extended beyond SSM law, who knows where the party will land.

The Labor Party was a strong SSM legalisation supporter and so far has escaped open internal divisions experienced on the other side of politics. So far it appears if it returns to office Labor will further extend those rights in sectors such as schools and perhaps beyond.

Labor seems to look at religion in humanistic or socially constructed terms. Like some of media commentators or even some  Christian ‘moderates’, Labor (perhaps in good faith) seems to see Christians schools as just engaging in discrimination by not showing willingness to recruit gay teachers in the future. There is lack of recognition here that Christian practices are way of life.

Another point of division is evident in some distinct Labor held seats. Official reports show that some key Labor electorates voted ‘no’ during SSM vote. The media and ABS reports include Blaxland, Watson in Western Sydney and McMahon electorates. We also know more Non-English speaking background people were likely to say ‘no’ compared to English-Speaking background Aussies.

Labor is ahead in Party preferred opinion polls by a significant margin. However, if elected, and once a full impact of revisions of federal and State laws flowing on from SSM start filtering down, it will just be a matter of time before those Labor voters are forced to evaluate their willingness to give up religious freedoms.

What Also Comes to Mind
As I have thought through these issues, some political and philosophical thinkers came to mind. What do they have to say about complex situations when you have competing ideas and traditions in need of adjudication? I thought of John Stuart Mill and how he approached the idea of Tyranny of the Majority. I have thought of civil and political rights and protections such as those discussed by contemporary writers such as Patrick Dunleavy. I couldn’t help but also look up T.H. Marshall and his citizenship thesis. And I took a little glimpse of Immanuel Kant.

And if some Politicians in Australia decide it okay to ‘extinguish’ Article 18 of the UN Declaration of Human Rights, what is this precedent setting for the future? And which group could be next?

As I finish this article, I cannot see how it will be possible for Australia to take away Christian freedoms relating to schools and parenting without consequences. It is a big change if it is to be imposed. This is not simply about political competition between major parties and the median voter. The ramifications could go far beyond the two major political parties in the longer term. We are talking about the stuff of life, people’s relationship to what they consider to be their transcendent. What is cultural battle to one person, for others their God is what they live for – it’s where they find meaning. It’s what imparts in their being to love their neighbour. And love their God.


These are by no means the only flow-on religious freedom questions exercising the minds and the hearts at the moment. And Christian institutions or families are not the only ones concerned. As a student of Christianity this is my take of it.

Sunday, 25 November 2018

PM Scott Morrison Worships and Prays - Some Troubled!


Over three decades ago I learnt from locals that here in Australia religion is a no go zone in everyday conversations. It is a no at BBQs and all manner of social settings. It is impolite and a bit weird to chat about it, I learnt. In late August 2018 Australia unexpectedly got a PM who prays and worships – and in a Pentecostal fashion too - this has some folk incensed!

SCOMO as the Prime Minister is popularly known got into trouble for raising-hands in the church. I listened to one of the elite media channels and thought to myself, ‘praying and raising hands in church gets one in trouble, what’s the big deal?’ Honestly, I have laughed out loud a few times.

His Pentecostal or evangelical affiliations have been noted and debated in mainstream and social media with much unease. Going by some elite media reports, even some folk on SCOMO’s own side of politics wants him to tone down his spiritual expression.

Despite Australia being regarded a free society it is surprising that some pretty basic aspects of Christian spiritual expression invoke great unease and suspicion among some elite.

But for goodness sake, what is heretical about worshipping and praying hands-raised? It is one of many Christian worship expressions. Christians all over the world engage in worship and prayer – they kneel down, stand, some close their eyes, sing liturgy, hymns, Songs of Praise, Psalms and such.


Image: Pixabay sourced


What if critics saw the biblical King David dancing before His Lord? Mind you it is quite possible some of these critics may include those who profess to be Christian. For those of faith, it is an interesting to go read – it is illuminating.

According to mainstream media some concerned folk leaked a video of SCOMO praying in church. Whether or not the video went on line because of people's concern is not clear to me. What is clear is the concern held and reflected by some in the mainstream and social media.

But why are some folk concerned about his prayer! What did the PM do wrong by praying?

It turns out SCOMO prayed for the Indonesian President Widodo and people of Sulawesi during a disaster there not long ago. He also prayed for Australian farmers and for drought facing the country to break. Here is a Youtube link:



Honestly? Folk are incensed about that? What do critics think people do when they go to church? Needless to say in mainstream churches it is normal to pray for Government leaders in any weekly service. This is even more formalised in some traditional mainstream churches – check out liturgical texts. It’s not heretical. It is basic biblical New Testament instruction.

If anything, perhaps some Pentecostal-type churches do less regular Sunday prayers for Governments compared to churches using liturgical service. In any case commentators who profess to subscribe to Christianity cannot be unaware that the Gospel requires Christians to keep their Governments leaders in prayer.

At a time when the Liberal Party is experiencing major cracks in their political platform, the least the public need to worry about is the PM’s prayer and worship practices. While on the subject, I hope he keeps worshipping and praying in any style that resonates with his religious values and his God.

To everyday folk who loves prayer and worship, happy praising the Xmas season is upon us. And may many hands be raised. And may many still fall on your knees as you pray and worship.

Tuesday, 31 July 2018

My Health Records Blow Up


My Health Records Blow Up


The digital revolution was promised to bring about improved coordinated and better healthcare outcomes for our populations. Privacy and notions of consent were given some consideration at the start. Recent changes to Australia’s My Health Records from voluntary Opt-in to Opt-out is proving a disaster. In fact, the term Opt-out is misleading as the window to opt-out is limited – after which, you are forced to remain in the system by default!

So even if you never agreed with anyone in healthcare setting to store, transmit or share your data into the My Health Records system, if you don’t take steps to opt-out, authorities will keep you in the system as required by Government legislation.

Whatever happened to choice? When did we change our assumed shared understanding of what constitutes consent? Is this consent, let alone informed consent? Listening to one Radio or TV Station, they claimed 20,000 people exited the system (opted out) on Monday last week alone. First thing though, the system offers some benefits.

Benefits


In principle My Health Records has a lot to offer especially people with chronic conditions, those with transient lifestyles, the remotely-located and in emergencies. Longer term, it saves public money too as doctors/ healthcare providers upload patient summaries on the PCEHR system that can be accessed by a treating provider. Provided medical info is promptly uploaded and the internet connectivity is up to scratch! But it is now clear the system has incorporated new objectives – this has brought the integrity of the system into question.

Enforcement Bodies to Access Data


Surprisingly under this Act, the government has included enforcement objectives not necessarily related to individual healthcare. My Health Records Act makes it clear it will be used for purposes of prevention, detection, investigation, prosecution and enforcement of criminal matters. And that enforcement bodies can also access data for preparation, conduct, proceedings and implementation of tribunal and court orders. It gets more disturbing as the Act also allows enforcement bodies to access a person’s centralised data for ‘the protection of the public revenue’.

It seems like too many governmental objectives have been lumped together. The end result is that notions of individual consent and privacy have been weakened. As we are learning more about this, it is pity as this is the sort of thing likely to demoralise some vulnerable people who could have benefited from the system. They may not have much to hide, but most sensible people would agree that embedding surveillance regimes within a healthcare system compromises the pursuit of healthcare objectives.

Government Responsibility


There is also a provision under My Health Records Act which says ‘This Act does not make the Crown liable to be prosecuted for an offence’. I read this and thought what does this legal jargon mean? Are they saying the Government is not legally liable for any breaches? Given the extent of freedom the Government has in accessing this data, is it sensible that there are no corresponding responsibilities? e.g. where data is misused or conditions breached by a Government entity to the detriment of an individual, is the Government saying there is no legal remedy? There are many players in the healthcare provision – government, private entities, profit and not-for-profit entities.

It is just not clear within which parameters the Government then becomes exempt from being subject to liability? I am thinking that given that the Government is doing away with notions of consent connected to permission to opt-in, if something is later proved to have resulted in serious harm to an individual because the Government took away consent, how can the Government not take moral and legal responsibility?

The list of institutions whose data is being hacked or plainly misused is rising all the time. From Banks, social media organisations, recruitment agencies, big and small businesses, you name it. In inserting other non-healthcare objectives, it means in some cases patient data will not simply be accessed by professionals who can be tracked through their Healthcare Provider Identifiers.

What means has an individual of keeping accountable anyone else accessing their healthcare data without one’s knowledge and without any understanding of the purposes for which such access is being made?
.

Interaction with Privacy Act


Although some supporters of My Health Records system say that we are protected by the Privacy Act, this is hardly reassuring as no one really seems to have strong privacy oversight over PCEHR. What a year it has been to reflect on the weaknesses of our regulatory institutions like those regulating Banks and financial institutions. Okay forget ASIC and Banks. My Health Records Act requires all PCEHR actors to abide by requirements set in the Act in interaction with the Privacy Act.

The legislation indicates that the Privacy Commissioner would regard as breach a situation where an approved entity within the PCEHR system infringes provisions under the Act.

However, following the recent My Health Records opt-in blow up, we have to be asking if the current legislation gives enough powers to the Privacy Commission in protecting privacy, let alone promoting privacy. The issues are just so many – and they cover multiple aspects of peoples’ lives. The concerns are not just medical, they are not just about coordinated care or better health outcomes – as important as these are. They go so far beyond. If someone gets it wrong and information goes in the wrong hands there is so much at risk.

Who thought we will need to be highlighting that hey, let’s not throw away a highly prized Western libertarian value called privacy. It is almost feeling like a parallel universe – like, ‘how did we get here?’ But times are changing.

Erosion of Trust


Like many commentators, I question the wisdom of doing away with an Opt-in arrangement. The consequences of this change may erode more trust. Worse still, some people that are likely to benefit the most from PCEHR, are likely to be among those opting-out. This may be unfortunate as in my view some of the benefits from these e-Health records cannot be dismissed. In weakening the PCEHR framework, a lot more is lost.

Institutional Policy Framework Lacking


Given the level of unprecedented data breaches in many sectors, it is concerning the glaring lack of an overarching institutional policy framework governing data collection, processing, transmission, sharing, storage and such in Australia.

This is not simply about clinical and ICT governance. The issues that have left people frightened and running to exit My Health Records system go well beyond healthcare delivery. Privacy has a bearing on every aspect of a person’s life from employment, wellbeing, and equitable participation in society, to name some.

Whether you are tuning on TV, Radio or social media, the My Health Records blow up is shedding light on community concern rightly or not that data matching is being consolidated without debate. From My Gov, to ABS info, location tracking survey(s), cameras, government face-recognition and voice-recognition technologies, and so forth. People are also concerned that business entities do collect data without always disclosing upfront who they are sharing with and what for purposes.

So maybe it is not just the social media that is contributing to a trust downward trend? Although the Government should try to do all it can to ensure third parties (providers, transmitters, repository agencies of PCEHR) maintain data security, we also know there is still a measure of risk in all system.

Given the data consolidation trajectory in many areas of our lives, and given many businesses, government and non-government players that require collecting data for their operations, it makes sense for Australia to formulate a clear institutional policy framework to address the big picture.

Besides, if we simply take a laissez faire approach to all this data sourced from multiplicity of areas, we should be questioning who is making decisions on algorithms that go into making-meaning of data that is collected? And what does this mean for democracy and our freedoms? In terms of big picture, we don’t have a Bill of Rights that guarantees our right to privacy. It seems we don’t even have a fundamental broader framework to fall upon to protect in our favour simple values such as consent.

It is also critical that future policy and legislative reviews must ensure genetic information produced or synthesized from PCEHR sources is not misused by authorities and private entities to the disadvantage of any specific groups in society e.g. ethnic groups and many others. Learning from past history, it is essential that a guiding policy framework embeds in future legislation.

Perhaps as significant numbers of people try to opt-out of My Health Records system, some good could still come out of this if it leads to a building and strengthening a clear broader policy framework governing things data well beyond the healthcare settings.

Hopefully, we can even be pro-active in pursuit of this rather than just wait to respond individually when a breach occurs. It remains to be seen if the Federal and State Governments decide to take leadership in this matter or if we will remain stuck with a laissez faire approach for much longer.


Key words:
My Health Records; Personally Controlled Electronic Health Records; PCEHR; Health Records Privacy; Data Matching

Postscript:
As we go to press, it is understood from media info that the Government will be revising the legislation in a bid to restore confidence. To what extent integrity in My Health Records can be restored, much may depend on the fine print. It still remains that without a broader institutional policy framework to govern digital data, the public is left vulnerable.

Thursday, 15 March 2018

Cost of Living Musings


Cost of Living

Of recent the notion of Cost of living has gained an important place in Australian public debates. It evokes different experiences for different people! From rumblings about exorbitant electricity and gas bills, affordable housing, inadequate wages, inequitable taxes and so forth.

Take your pick. To my list I thought I will add the following:
  •  Improve methods and scope for Council Rates levy as part of tax reforms
  •  Questions on Government delivering wage adequacy in a contracting capitalist era?
  •  Questions on Government delivering wage adequacy amidst exploding autonomous technologies?
  • Musings on cost of living and ‘Real Australians’
  • Enforcement of non-traffic infringement fine payment & cost of living


On Council Rates & Tax Reforms

For me, Council Rates are one of the things that exercise my mind when I think of cost of living. Before anyone gets the wrong idea, I like the concept of Local Governments in our suburbia. I’m no supporter of Council amalgamation and such. This safely on record, I can turn back to my musings.

When I saw my last council rate account rightly or wrongly I was at a loss as to why Council rates seemed on the rise when the WA economy had relatively declined. The price of housing has fallen in many WA suburbs over the last few years, I told myself. The rental incomes have gone down compared to the boom years, so why the rate rise, I wondered.

I value the role of Local Councils and the part they play as a Third-Tier of Australian Government. I value the demonstrable developments in my area and all that enhances local liveability. For all I know, a mark of a good council includes providing and maintaining local roads and libraries, great walking paths, reserves, parks and gardens, safe children playgrounds, community and recreational spaces, etc.

Money has to come from somewhere to make our suburbs liveable, right? This is not a point of contention. We should all pay our council rates. And I suspect Local Councils also benefit financially from other State and Commonwealth financial arrangements to support making our localities liveable.



Garvey Park Reserve with great walking path and family recreational areas maintained by City of Belmont


Locals enjoy the Garvey Park greenery by the Swan River
                                 

Still, in my puzzling about how these rates are determined I learnt that in WA, the State Landgate plays a role in providing information underpinning determination of property rating valuations (other States may have similar authorities under varied names).

These valuations reflect property market based on equivalent average rental values regardless of whether or not the property is owner-occupied or used for rental. Valuations also take account of age of the property, building material and how many carports you have. The WA Landgate web link explains in more detail:
Also, 

So Councils utilises this info from Landgate to formulate their particular unique rate levels taking account of local service requirements.

Extend scope of levy as part of tax reforms – For me as I think aloud this is what goes on in my mind, surely there should be more to factors we consider in levying council rates.

If we are serious, we know these are taxes except the notion of levy rates gives them a different name. And surely there should be more factors to consider in the size of this levy than just the size of dwelling, age, number of carport and shadow rental value.

These Council rates are essential, but as we know they are only levied from home owners. Nothing wrong with taxing these home owners, but this leaves out many people who have ability to pay.

See, Council rates include many things like partial cost provision for our libraries in all our local areas that we all enjoy and our children benefit from. As already noted, rates also include Bin Collection fees. Why should the cost continue to be simply met by home owners and exclude local residents who earn high incomes, benefits from local services but are not subject to these taxes or levies?

In WA a substantial State Government Emergency Levy is also incorporated in Council rates. Presumably we all accept the State Government wisdom that the Emergency Levy is essential to support our Fire and Emergency Services. According to the State government, it ‘benefits all West Australians as emergency response involves a cohesive approach from across the state’. Fair enough.

However, many residents in suburbia living on good solid incomes don’t pay emergency levy and most probably have never heard of an emergency levy. They are largely able to escape such charges simply because they don’t own properties – and most likely they choose to invest their monies elsewhere.

We also have a sizable population of transient FIFOs (Fly in Fly Out) from interstate and across the globe who are benefiting from the WA economy. They too benefit from the security that our State Emergency Levy. This is whether they use AirBNB, hotels or house rental share. They have ability to pay, so how can we ensure they contribute to the likes of emergency levy? Whether we think about emergency to do with floods, fire and we all value these services right?

Casting a wider net so that everyone with ability to pay will mean we are fairly and equitably minimising free riding, and also are doing so by taking account of people’s ability to pay. As we all largely benefit from the economy and the living environment in our local area, it is fair to give something back in our localities. There are many of our regional towns that could benefit such changes. It could add to regional and remote liveability especially for mining towns.

If you apply a principle of ability to pay in levying these kinds of local indirect taxes, then surely there is scope to modernise our levy practices.

Why bother to modernise? Well, the economy is changing. The middle and working class are squeezed and ‘are crying cost of living’. A fair tax base benefits from keeping abreast with economic change.

This is where the tax reform can also come in. Clearly, under the Constitution only the Feds are vested with powers to levy taxes. But there are clear gaps here. Is it not possible to spread the burden of levies we pay at local? It seems to me these could be some of the creative ways that we address issues of cost of living.

But to do so obviously the Feds may need to come to the party. And importantly, if ever the scope of local levies was extended to capture a wider net as in payers, then the money should stay at local and State level to serve the purpose for which such monies were intended. If not, it defeats the whole purpose.

Living Wage in Contracting Era?

After the triumph of neo-liberalism, who would have thought sooner than later a public debate will once again be raging on connection between cost living and wage earnings! And this comes not long after changes to Australia’s weekend penalty rates. I had a good laugh as I heard some make a reference to the historical Harvester Judgement.

One can’t also be blind that the political shock of Brexit and the Trump elections may have influenced emergence of a space where cost of living can now be discussed in public fora. Who knows what’s ahead as we strap our seats in this fast changing world?

Historically, the Unions and Labor movement led the charge on living-wage. In their recent public pronouncements it sounds like wage adequacy is to form part of their push to address cost of living in Australia.

But the world has changed and fast changing since the days we used to understand and make sense of capitalist economy and wage-earners welfare.

Now this is where it gets really interesting. It is no secret that Federal and State Australian governments have long contracted out their provide-delivery roles to private entities and NGOs. The policy underpinnings were put in place long ago under National Competition Policy (including contracting and tendering practices).

So when we talk about wage adequacy, this has implications for billions and billions of $ that the government contracts out. To cite a few examples, this includes NDIS operations, Job Active (former Job Networks), wide ranging human services funded by State and federal governments that are delivered by NGOs.

So in an era of government contracting out for programs that are short-lived often changing every three years (if that), it remains to be seen how wage adequacy is going to be fostered.
Who wouldn’t welcome wage increase especially to the NGOs carrying out work in these areas? Here, I get a bit sceptical about political rhetoric when I look at the context of modern day economic realities.

How are our Australian governments able to boost wages for sectors such as those mentioned here unless they boost their own expenditure as part of their contracting out practices?

Governments have also long sold significant assets such as public utilities or implemented reforms that limit their role in these areas. Remember the days when State Governments owned and run electricity and gas? Remember when they split them up, sold off or commercialised public utilities?

We were told these reforms would bring efficiency, reduce costs, foster innovation and good value for tax-payers and consumers. It seems something didn’t work to plan (perhaps a subject for another day). Or whatever good came out of it, it did not quite include the rising cost of energy.

Presumably the government role (across most States) as an employer has largely diminished as it no longer exercises as much control as employer/provider in public utilities. I presume some in the trades in these industries found some opportunities as contractors. It is not clear though how governments are going to bring about greater wage adequacy as some seem to be talking in recent debates.

Then we have an expansive private economy itself experiencing significant changes as partly digital technologies are re-working the nature of our capitalist economic production.

Automation is everywhere. Someone was telling me recently a majority of his IT team lost their jobs because their IT Help-Desk services can be done from Bungalow. ‘You mean Call Centres?’ I naively asked. No, a lot of substantive IT work we do in supporting the company is gone, was his response.

Growing semi-professionals and professionals roles alike are gradually being automated. They can’t be wished away, they are here. Businesses that deploy these technologies appear to be driven by cost saving, efficiencies, safety and profit imperatives. Just to cite some new technologies gradually being introduced:
  •        Autonomous hauling trucks in some mining centres
  •        Autonomous surveying drones
  •        Autonomous drilling
  •         Emerging software that  over time may replace some accounting and legal practice functions
  •         Rail automation in some mining centres
  •         Serve-self supermarket checkouts
  •         Automated airport check-in systems
  •         Automated kiosk orders at food outlets such as McDonald’s


I will let you add your own examples to this list.

When you consider the masses of young people that historically work in supermarkets and fast food outlets such as McDonalds (albeit on minimum wage), you can start to appreciate the economic transformations before us.

When you consider the number of blue collar and white collar workers that may be impacted by autonomous drilling, surveying drones, autonomous trucks and rail automation in mining centres, you realise technology is matching fast.

But it is hard to see evidence of how policy makers and politicians incorporate their understanding of the massive technological revolution at hand as they engage on debates about incomes, let alone adequacy.

It doesn’t seem to me like we can just solve this through regulation. These changes are phenomenal. Perhaps some deeper engagement and understanding are necessary so that future policies align with people’s experiences with the emerging economy.

Real Australians, Patronising Venues & Cost of Living!

There is always something to laugh about even when lamenting about cost of living. Not long ago I bumped into a couple of people who asked me if I didn’t mind them checking out if I fitted the notion of what they call ‘Real Australians’. Before I could respond questions were flowing. They had been to one of the ‘last’ cricket games at WACA Stadium.

They asked questions like ‘do I go to see cricket games? Which team do I support?’ Another insisted visiting various venues is something all migrants should do as a demonstration of their integration in Australian society. They emphasised that this is part of social norms here.

I laughed my head off. And confessed it’s a while since I saw a match. And not cricket for that matter, but a Hopman Cup Tennis game. Even as we joke about these things, it came to mind that these dominant social norms leave many people out. In my mind I couldn’t help laughing – the thoughts went like this:
  •  If you have not been regularly eating out at restaurants with friends or family are you a fair dinkum Aussie?
  • Did you visit Embargo and many pop up bars recently?
  • How often have you made it to Perth Arena or the new Perth (Optus) Stadium to attend events?
  • What notes have you been swapping with friends on your sampling experiences at Elizabeth Quays or Freo’s Little Creatures Breweries, Burswood Towers, Riverside 506, Coffee shops around Yagan square and so on and so forth?
  •  Did you make it to community cinemas at Burswood Park, UWA, Murdoch or ECU?
  • And perhaps you took a holiday to the country or nearby Bali or far off overseas?

As I think of cost of living in these terms, I am reminded of our traditional notions of relative and absolute poverty. For example, if young people, families and individuals are not partaking in the sorts of events and spaces mentioned above, what does that say? Should we be able to capture this as part of cost of living debate (i.e. absolute VS relative poverty)?

Cost of Living & Enforcement of Non-Traffic Infringement


Generally we assume all those suspended from driving on our roads are serving a fair penalty for breaking traffic laws and endangering people’s safety on the road. So perhaps we worry less about how driver’s licence suspension impacts their livelihood – we focus on the common good - safety.

But did you know Australia’s government authorities use driver license suspension as tool to nudge people to pay their outstanding fines for reasons completely unrelated to driving. You don’t need to break traffic laws to lose your license – if you don’t pay some government Infringement Notices you could lose your license. Many easily lose their license with consequences on cost of living.

This is not new. Many years back I came across info on effects of Driver License suspension for non-traffic infringement while undertaking research on job-seekers at Job Network service. So I know this issue is real and there are patterns to it if our politicians decide to look at it.

Here is a recent anecdote. A hard working gentleman recently told me he lost his Driver’s License because of non-traffic Infringement Notice. This also meant he could no longer keep his job as a Driver’s License is an essential requirement. I asked him, why didn’t he contact the Infringement Registry in his State to make alternative payment arrangements? Too late, he said.

According to him, when the notice arrived, he was in Europe. It has impact on some trades people for example those whose jobs require a worker to be mobile. Security jobs can be easily affected, he said. How, I asked?

He told me he has taken up a good job at a pub that pays $500 per week. This is means his fine repayments to the Enforcement Registry take longer to pay. How much can you do with $500 a week? There is rent or mortgage, food for Xmas, transport, he cited examples. I can’t even renew my passport, he added.

The story he told me this is how infringements can make cost of living circumstances worse: First because he lost his license, he can’t secure a better paying job in area of his expertise. And when seeking a new job in those areas, his training must be current. His 1st and 2nd Aid Training, his security training must be updated. He also needed current documentation such as passport.

So even when eventually he finishes the fine repayments, it will take him a long time to go back into training and find money to pay for all those courses. Talk about cost of justice!

If even a handful of Politicians take up these seemingly simple causes to improve policy and the rigid bureaucratic processes, we could go some way in tackling cost of living. Why should a penalty for non-traffic infringement go beyond fine payment to effects that extend to loss of career and better paying jobs?

Middle class are probably more easily managing to negotiate their way through infringement enforcement processes. Those less versed with bureaucratic processes appear to be paying a far higher price.

End

As the debate and contestation on cost of living continues, hopefully it can only assist Australia as it charts new paths in this transforming economy, and simultaneously maintain an inclusive and cohesive society.